A History of the Ministry of Information, 1939-46
SECRET
MINISTRY OF INFORMATION
Weekly Report by Home Intelligence - No. 15
.
Copy No. 124
(From Wednesday 8th January to Wednesday 15th January, 1941)
Note : The figures in brackets refer to sources of information, a list of which is given at the end of the report.
I. GENERAL COMMENTS
1. General state of confidence and attitude to invasion possibilities .
Satisfaction at our African successes and confidence in the outcome of the war continue, but people are once more thinking more of their own personal problems, such as shortages (1, 3, 4, 5x, 7, 22 Reading P.C.). There is a general realisation that we have not yet come to grips with our real enemy, Germany, but, in spite of this, there seems to be little anxiety (or even thought) about the impending struggle; reports continue to stress that, associated with the New Year and helped on by Cabinet speeches, there is a widespread belief that victory will be achieved this year (5x, 22 Birmingham P.C., Glasgow P.C., Edinburgh P.C.).
This general confidence is reflected in the attitude of the public to the possibilities of invasion. Regional reports point out that invasion is little discussed, except in some middle-class districts. “The subject seems to have been swamped by the blitz.” People are puzzled by the repeated official warnings, as they cannot understand how invasion could be successful so long as the Navy commands the sea and the R.A.F. the air over Britain during daylight. An invasion attempt would be welcomed as “Hitler's greatest blunder.” Many appear to have forgotten the instructions they were given in 1940, while others are asking if these still hold good (1, 4, 6, 7, 9, 11, 13, 22 Leeds P.C., 39).
A special study has been made during the past week on the attitude of Londoners to invasion possibilities (26). No spontaneous comments were recorded, but the subject was discussed with a large number of people. Just over half the people interviewed thought there would not be an attempted invasion; a quarter thought there would be, but many of these expressed some doubt; the rest held no opinion. More men than women expected it, and middle-class people expected it more than the working classes.
There was an overwhelming confidence that if invasion came, it would be easily defeated. When asked how far they thought the invaders would get, many thought it unlikely that they would be able to land; of those who thought landing possible, nearly all agreed that the invaders would not get beyond the coast; only about one person in a hundred anticipated any greater penetration than this. At the same time, plane and parachute landings were mentioned but no one regarded these as major dangers.
Those expecting invasion expected it soon. No one put it later than May, and some expected it within a week or so. Four times as many people said they would be glad of invasion as said they would be sorry; but the people who said they would be glad were largely those who did not expect it. Invasion would be welcomed as an opportunity to “get at” the Germans, as a chance to speed up the war, as something to be “got over”, or as a relief from boredom. The danger of a German invasion of Ireland was often spontaneously mentioned.
A little under half the people thought that poison gas would be used; many of these thought it would be the last resort, when Germany became desperate. Exceedingly few expected it as a part of invasion, and many pointed out that its use was unlikely as it was a two-edged weapon, and we would not be slow to follow Germany's example. There seems little serious anticipation of gas warfare, and less preparation.
In another special study (26), it has been found that the blitz has been faced best in those cities which have either seriously expected raids or have experienced many minor raids as a preliminary. By analogy, it is reasonable to suppose that if invasion is a serious possibility in the near future, it would be wise if the public faced the situation rather more realistically.
2. Reactions to the Blitz .
Reports continue to point out that heavy raids increase rather than diminish the determination of the people in the blitzed towns (40, 22 Bristol, Cambridge P.C., 23 Manchester T.C., Bristol T.C.). In the un-blitzed Northern Region, it is anticipated that “it will be their turn before long”, and the absence of raids so far, together with the apparently easy victory over the Italians (and, it is added, the depressing effect of the limitation of supplies order on ordinary trade and commerce) are thought to have led to some slackening of effort (1).
The Portsmouth blitz was very well faced (6, 14 Reading, 23 Portsmouth T.C.). In spite of the failure of the electric lighting supply early in the raid, behaviour was orderly and there was no panic. The release of the name of Portsmouth to the press was unfortunately accompanied by accounts, which in the opinion of the local public, greatly minimised the damage. In particular, the statement that fires were extinguished by dawn after the attack caused “distrust and indignation”, since public buildings were still blazing in the afternoon (6, 23 Portsmouth T.C.). It is rumoured that the local authorities knew of the impending attack before it was delivered, and there are complaints that they did not profit by this knowledge, nor by the experience of other blitzed towns (23 Portsmouth T.C.). There was considerable unorganised evacuation, but not on the same scale as at Southampton (6). The majority of the evacuees (apart from the homeless) were women and children, and many spent the night in the shelters on Portsdown Hill, in villages, and even in the open (23 Portsmouth T.C.).
In Bristol's last raid, a large number of bombs fell in the open country, and it is widely believed that an efficient decoy system is in operation. The general opinion is said to be that morale was better after this raid than any previous one; this is attributed to the success of civilians in dealing with incendiaries, to the evacuation of the more jittery people, and to the vigorous efforts which have been made in the past few weeks in providing entertainments and parties for shelterers and others (14 Bristol).
In the Birmingham area, the continued freedom from heavy raids has enabled the local authorities to make good much damage, and has also helped to restore the spirit of the public. People are still not risking being in the centre of big towns at night, but rush evacuation to the country-side has stopped (9).
tepp A special report (26) stresses the extremely good morale of Liverpool in all groups of the population, except the dock-workers. This is attributed to the long acclimatisation to raids which the town has had, to the toughness of the population bred from poverty, to a surprising solidarity of the Catholic Irish, and to the presence in the town of large numbers of Naval ratings who do not allow raids to interfere with their amusement. By contrast, Manchester was found to resemble much more closely the other blitzed towns, and there were many complaints of municipal inefficiency.
The early hour at which London's recent night raids have stopped has given rise to much speculation as to whether we are not at last finding something which will drive away the night-bomber (5x).
3. Reprisals .
There is no doubt that the publicity given to the London fire-blitz has stimulated everywhere - even to some extent in London - a demand for reprisals, particularly on Berlin (3, 5x, 7, 8, 13, 22 Leeds, Glasgow, Edinburgh, Belfast, Reading, Inverness P.C.) The exact form which reprisals should take is apparently undefined in the public mind. Since its fourth major blitz, the demand for reprisals in Bristol has grown (7). There are requests for more pictures of R.A.F. damage to Germany, and also, if possible, for more details of our raids on Germany, particularly the number and size of the bombs dropped (7, 24).
4. Rumours .
Rumours this week are not numerous. There are still exaggerated stories in circulation about raid damage and casualties in Manchester, Liverpool and Sheffield (1, 3, 8), and careless talk in buses by women armament factory workers is noted (14 Edinburgh). In Bristol, there is a widespread rumour (apparently based on fact) that the civil defence services were forewarned some hours before the raid of January 3/4. The information is said to have come from Wardens' posts, though one rumour stated that the Ministry of Information informed the Air Ministry of the impending raid at 3.00 p.m. Prominent tradesmen and factory owners asked if, in turn, they could receive these advance warnings, so as to prepare their fire-watchers, but their requests were “firmly turned down” (14 Bristol, 23 Bristol T.C.). The only other new rumours are that the Germans are bombing the churches to prevent their bells ringing when invasion comes (23 Bristol T.C.), and Germany is so short of metals that incendiary bombs are now encased in cardboard or other substitutes (5x).
5. Peace Aims .
A special report on this subject has been made by Postal Censorship (22 Special P.C.). The views of the great majority of lower-middle and working-class writers are summarised thus:-
1. They are quite certain of victory and no other possibility is even remotely considered.
2. While they are well pleased to receive help from America, they are satisfied that we can win on our own - and would prefer to do so.
3. Their main “peace-aim” is that Germany should be wiped off the map, or alternatively that all Germans should be exterminated. Many writers think that since they are now in the front line, their wishes in this respect (and in the others which follow) must be treated as a right which they have earned. More moderate demands are for a protectorate and occupation of Germany for 25 years (22 Inverness P.C.).
4. They are looking forward confidently to a post-war leveling of class-distinction and a redistribution of wealth. There are many writers who are convinced that the rich are still making money out of the war.
5. They anticipate a post-war Government which is either “national” (with a strong socialist complexion) or Labour, with either Mr. Churchill or Mr. Bevin as Prime Minister.
More educated writers (a much smaller section) are considerly disquieted about our non-declaration of peace aims. Many who were previously anti-socialist are now prepared for socialism as “the only possibility” (22 Bristol P.C.). There is a widely expressed hope that party politics and party squabbles will not revive and that some form of federalism will come, particularly between the British Empire and the United States.
Social workers and other responsible people in London hope that post-war reconstruction will not be entrusted to the present local authorities, as they consider that the blitz has shown that they are not fitted for the task (5x, 39).
6. Extremist Activities .
A full report on the well-attended People's Convention will be found in Appendix II. At the same time, reports from Chief Constables and others continue to stress the ineffectiveness of Communist activities. Meetings are very poorly attended, and the great majority of the public show no interest in them (3, 24, 39). Press reports of the Shop Stewards' Conference in Scotland stated that 2,000 people were present; in fact, there were only 400 (11).
Some feeling is reported because conscientious objectors can earn £5 a week doing forestry at piece-work rates (14 Edinburgh).
An increase in anti-Semitism in middle-class and business circles is reported from the Northern Region (1).
II. SPECIAL COMMENTS .
7. Air Raids .
In connection with fire-watching it is stated by businessmen in the City that there is a widespread feeling that some of the big property companies have an unfair advantage because their tenants have to shoulder full responsibility for fire spotting. The question is asked “Why should I have to engage and pay spotters to protect my landlord's property?” Volunteer spotters are also beginning to wonder why they should risk their lives to save other people's property (5x).
Reports suggest that in some places efficient operation of the scheme is hampered by lack of sufficient “guidance and instructions” (2, 39). It is also said that in certain areas it is difficult to get the necessary number of paid watchers from Labour Exchanges (2), and some employers are said to be enrolling men already engaged in other forms of Civil Defence.
The R.I.O. Edinburgh says that the response to the appeal in Scotland has been “very poor”, though a statement by the Regional Commissioner on Scotland's reaction to the appeal was given an excellent press and was supported by correspondents who agreed that “a measure of compulsion is necessary”.
The question of wages is much disputed. In some cases these are said to be “totally inadequate”; on the other hand, A.F.S. personnel are said to be discontented because they are getting only £3 a week, whereas some fire spotters are being offered £5, (2, 5x, 39).
In spite of the damage done to churches and other buildings of historical interest in the City fire of 5th January, it is reported that several days later many of the surviving churches were locked-up, and that entrance in case of fire would have been impossible (18).
The Telephone Censorship from Portsmouth says, with regard to the raid there on 10th January, “there have been signs of discontent at the lack of foresight shown by the local authorities.” In particular, there are complaints of lack of food and accommodation for the homeless.
The attitude of the authorities towards the homeless in other areas again comes in for unfavourable comment, particularly in the North Country press (18, 19 Leeds, 22 Belfast Special P.C.).
8. Shelters .
Replying to Lord Cranley's indictment of London shelter conditions, reported last week, Mr. Key, Civil Defence Commissioner, said that certain of the charges made were “grossly inaccurate” and that in her cases “remedies were already being applied.” This is confirmed by our own reports (5x, 18).
Though shelters in Manchester were “severely criticised” by Lord Horder during his recent visit to the City, there have, on the whole, been fewer shelter complaints this week (18).
9. Food .
The public's attitude, according to our evidence, is best described in the words of the R.I.O. Eastern Region. “There is still considerable discussion, though little grumbling about the food situation in general” (4). The meat shortage, to which there are many references (1, 2, 3, 4, 6, 8, 9, 12, 22 Cambridge P.C.), has been accepted with resignation, and although reports of other shortages are increasing, these, too, seem to be accepted more or less philosophically. The Postal Censorship report says: “There is no single instance in which the writer appears to have any idea of the cause of shortage, nor of the reasons for food restrictions” (22 Special P.C.).
Interest in communal feeding seems to be growing, particularly in Northern England, and it is suggested that there should be “a publicity campaign outlining the official policy of this matter.” (1, 5x, 18).
General satisfaction is expressed, particularly among the lower middle-classes, of the principal of the maximum prices order which came into operation on 13th January (5x, 13, 18). Distribution arrangements, however, are increasingly criticised, as are the allowances made to hotels and other catering establishments (1, 2, 3, 18). Reports of food queues are also increasing (1, 5x, 7, 9, 22 Special P.C., 27). A special study of them in Shoreditch showed that 50% of those interviewed complained of queuing, especially on Saturdays. 27% complained with considerable bitterness about the meat shortage and the reduction of the ration. The rest took these difficulties in good part.
There are more complaints of the alleged unfairness in the rations allowed to the soldiers compared with those allowed to farm workers and those engaged on certain heavy jobs (2, 3, 8, 18).
10. Industry .
The announcement about the new War Production Executive Committees aroused very little public interest. It was severely criticised, however, by many sections of the press.
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