APPENDIX
PUBLIC OPINION IN EIRE .

In a special report by a skilled observer, the present position of public opinion in rural Eire and Dublin is outlined. In reading this summary, it is important to realise that in Eire emotions are often more important than logic; the chain of causality can only be worked out if allowance is made for historical and emotional factors, together with a certain racial perversity. The following points are made:-

Rural Ireland

Here the main subjects of public concern are as follows:-

1. The bombing of Eire. For a few days after the raids, panic predominated over indignation. Even the sound of a motor-engine made people look up or move to cover. The attitude towards planes seemed “almost superstitious”. Since the only fatalities were in a remote country area, people felt that “you were safe nowhere.” The German origin of the bombs was announced in the papers in a very brief paragraph only. The public feel that “the Germans are very wicked”, but at the same time “if one side doesn't bomb us the other will.”

2. The acute petrol shortage has brought the war home sharply. Rumour stated that five petrol tankers had been sunk inside Irish territorial waters. The ration is now half-a-gallon a week, and for taxi drivers a gallon a day. The fact that the Government encouraged people to re-licence their cars has led to general indignation. The present situation may well mean ruin to thousands of people connected with the motor trade. It also affects large numbers of country people who regularly hire cars for outings and pack in incredible numbers. No shortage, except that of tea, could bring home clearer to Eire the precariousness of her position.

3. The taking over of the A. Section of the L.S.F . (men of military age) by the army. This is regarded as a precaution against possible I.R.A. activities. The oath taken by the L.S.F. is “loyalty to Eire” - not to any specific government - and, in a crisis, it is felt that some of these armed young men might interpret this as loyalty to the I.R.A. The army will now assume responsibility for the safety of the L.S.F. arms, so that, on the whole, the change over is popular, as it appears to make for greater security.

4. Roosevelt's speeches and U.S. help for Britain. First, this confirms the idea that the war will spread; secondly, it is thought to heighten the chances of British victory; thirdly, it has created a certain glumness among quite a large number of people who would have preferred an indecisive American attitude. Among these people (sufferers from the Irish persecution mania) there is a growing and uneasy realisation of another America besides Irish America. There is considerable dread of loss of American sympathy for Eire, and a great desire to bid for American support for Irish neutrality and for their help in obtaining supplies.

5. The fire of London . This gave a great horrific thrill. Photographs of the ruins were largely featured in the papers. The usual reaction is “Will it happen to us?” There is little compassionate reaction and no aesthetic reaction. 278 (ii)The general feeling is that “London was too rich”, though the destruction of the churches (even Protestant churches) is condemned.

6. Irish agricultural problems. The threatened wheat shortage gives an opening for the Cosgraveite party to condemn the Government's encouragement of industry at the expense of agriculture. The demands of the farmers are steadily growing. Meetings, demonstrations and marches of farmers to demand better terms for compulsory tillage are reported all over the country. Dairy farming is on the decline this year, partly due to the tilling up of grazing land, partly to the prolonged drought last summer, and partly due to a shortage of imported cattle food.

Dublin .

Here pessimism is general; it is due to the time of year, the severe weather, ‘flu and colds, petrol shortage, and a feeling in all classes of instability and danger. People appear to realise that, in England, Eire is either disliked or regarded as negligible; they resent this and at the same time take it to heart. It is suggested that if America enters the war, Eire will feel completely left out of the picture; the taunt of insignificance may have a helpful effect on their attitude. Special points are:-

1. Dublin's reactions to its bombing . The attitude is essentially evasive; people don't want to take up any definite attitude. Three theories are offered; that the bombings were accidental (this is the most popular); that they were a threat by Germany on account of secret concessions by de Valera to England and America; and that they were a provocative act by British planes disguised as Germans, with German bombs used. This theory is very prevalent in the West of Ireland, which has always been anti-British. “Absurd as it may seem, there is no doubt that the bombings have temporarily increased anti-British feeling in Dublin amongst the lower classes and the more ignorant people. There seems to be an underlying suspicion that Britain may be pleased by the incidents.” On the whole, Dublin took its bombs better than was expected; now the city feels, as it were, grown up. The national love of excitement and unusual happenings have acted as a hopeful counter-poise to the Irish dread of war. The fact that one bomb fell on the South Circular road (a Jewish quarter) is frequently commented on and it is said that if the bombs were German, and if it was intentional, they were aiming at the Jews.

2. Invasion fears are still very general in Dublin. It is now expected the Germans will be the invaders, but it is feared that this will mean the re-entry of Britain into Eire; there is still a neurotic fear of British reoccupation, which after so many centuries, will take a lot of getting rid of. If the Irish could be convinced that Britain would regard permanent reoccupation of Eire as neither desirable nor expedient, it would do much good. Apart from the reoccupation question, stories of a British invasion are now generally treated as German propaganda.

3. The ports question . People are still unwilling publicly to connect the petrol shortage with their attitude to the ports question, but underneath they are beginning to make this connection. The Irish are frightened of each other and are always closely watching each other, and this mutual fear is (iii) inhibiting. The degree of British protection which Eire's shipping enjoys is not generally known, and if a brief, clear and explicit statement of the Irish position were to be made in the British Parliament it would almost certainly be reprinted in the Irish papers. In so far as the Irish acknowledge British protection they regard it as a debt. “Britain gave us a bad deal for centuries; she owes this to us now.”

From other sources, the salient points of this special report are confirmed (8, 22 Leeds, Manchester, Caridff, Inverness P.C.). English, Scotch, Welsh and Northern Irish letter-writers all agree in thinking the bombing of Dublin a good thing; “that will teach them to co-operate with us” is the typical attitude.

HOME INTELLIGENCE .

22nd January, 1941.