(2) 25,700 of an electorate of about 67,000 (nominal, perhaps 45,000 effective) polled. This was a higher poll than the last by-election, in Northampton, when approximately 30% voted.
(3) The poll was the highest yet scored by a Communist since the war, and the first time a Communist candidate did not forfeit his deposit.
(4) Labour fought on a Labour Party platform and Conservative cooperation was not apparent either in meetings or in election literature. It is estimated, however, that the votes cast for McKinlay contain some thousands from Unionists, Liberals and Nationalists.
(5) The constituency has few natural unities, either of geography or of social class. It contains the Vale of Leven, “the reddest strip of Britain”, a large new housing estate (Knights-wood) for which the Labour candidate has been largely responsible, and considerable middle and upper class residential areas (Helensburgh). The area has been virtually untouched by evacuation, but much influenced by difficulties in industrial relations on Clydeside. Politically the electorate has been described as “unreliable”, “a see-saw”, “the stepping-stone”. Four County Council representatives are Communist.
(6) Although the constituency has suffered little from direct impacts of the war (no raids), there are a number of real grievances widely felt. In the industrial field economic class distinctions are strongly felt, the provision of welfare facilities is noticeably poor, transport for workers is extremely bad, and common talk contains persistent allegations about inefficient management, supply muddles and lack of supervision in key places. There is a strong local grievance that the Minister of Aircraft Production has not thought it worth while to visit the area. On the day before polling there was a lockout of shipyard workers which aroused violent feelings over the whole industrial area. This feeling increased with the strike which took place on polling day.
(7) Neither McKinlay nor McEwan were very strong candidates. There was general tolerance about the election, and meetings produced no strong scenes.
(8) McKinlay's policy was very simple: “behind Churchill” and “against the Reds”.
(9) McEwan's policy (put forward with much more energy in the conduct of meetings and a much wider distribution of literature) was mainly the exploitation of grievances: profiteering, rationing, A.R.P. and shelters, growing Fascism in Britain, self-determination for India. Several of these points failed to
arouse interest and were soon dropped e.g. India, A.R.P. There was some theoretical argument about the People's Government securing peace, but at no time did a Communist speaker state that he was “for peace”.
(10) An observer's study of the campaign showed that the size of the Communist vote was felt by those on the spot to be an advance for the C.P. It would also appear that the Communists succeeded in mobilising more goodwill than was reflected in the actual vote. In election discussions people heard expressing sympathy for the point of view put forward by the Communist candidate remained unconvinced that the Communists in any way represented an alternative Government. The vagueness of their general arguments was commented upon and it was frequently remarked that they were ill-adjusted to local Scottish conditions. Lack of Conservative support for the Labour candidate caused some surprise and promoted discussions about “the unreality of Government unity”.
(11) The general conclusion of our report is that a situation of some danger is revealed and that a close watch ought to be kept on developments in this area.
