A History of the Ministry of Information, 1939-46

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FOR INTERNAL CIRCULATION ONLY
APPENDIX
U.S.S.R.
SECRET

During July 1942 the Listener Research Department of the B.B.C. made an enquiry into public opinion on the function of British broadcasting in interpreting the U.S.S.R. to British Listeners. The objects of this enquiry were to discover (a) on which, if any, of eight given subjects listeners would like to hear broadcast talks; (b) which, if any, of ten issues was the cause of misunderstanding and distrust of the Soviet Union among British people.

Reports were received from some 850 correspondents who may be regarded as typical of the rather more intelligent and informed members of all social classes and groups.

The results of the enquiry showed that in the eight subjects on which the public might welcome enlightenment, interest was aroused in the following proportions:-

%
(1) The ordinary lives of the ordinary people in the U.S.S.R. 79
(2) The political and social systems of the U.S.S.R. 63
(3) The nature and extent of British and American aid to the U.S.S.R. 56
(4) Soviet internal achievements up to the beginning of the war with Germany 55
(5) Russia's war effort 54
(6) The long-term aims of the Soviet Union (a) abroad 50
(b) at home 39
(7) The personalities of the Soviet leaders 38
(8) Russian history, literature and culture 31

Differences of opinion between working-class and middle-class people were inconsiderable. The former were rather more concerned with Russia's war effort, and the extent of British and U.S. aid, and were keener to learn more about the political and social system that promoted such an effort; comments on this frequently involved questions on Russia's political system and internal achievements of the past twenty years. Apart from these slight differences, however, both middle-class and working-class listeners are in substantial agreement on the subjects in which they are most and least interested.

A significant feature of the replies was the revelation of the public's bewilderment about Russia - a state of mind hardly to be wondered at, considering the many contradictory and often sensational factors by which opinion about the U.S.S.R. has been influenced since the revolution. The “terrorism” of the Bolsheviks: the 1924 Anglo-Russian treaty: the Zinoviev letter: the Moscow trials: Russia's entry into the League of Nations, and her support for collective security: and more recently the Nazi-Soviet pact, the occupation of Poland and the war with Finland, all caused wide fluctuations in feeling about Russia. And when the unity and single-mindedness of Russian resistance to Germany became apparent, opinion changed again.

These rapid changes in so short a time have not been forgotten; but it is less easily realised that at no time were the Press, the B.B.C. and other sources of opinion unanimous, and that the public had all the time been free to listen to and believe those advocating the point of view which happened to be unpopular at the moment. The recollection of eulogy and anathema rapidly succeeding one another, often in the same quarters, has produced considerable cynicism as well as an appreciable devaluation of the organs of opinion in the public mind. This disillusionment was reflected in the enquiry in persistent emphasis upon the need for reliable, authoritative and objective information, through the medium of broadcasting. There is reason to believe that the public feels that the possibility of such standards being adhered to is still possible in the case of broadcasting, which has probably suffered less from this process of devaluation, than the press, the platform or the pulpit.

1. The Ordinary Lives of Ordinary People This was the topic on which the demand for enlightenment was easily greatest. The majority suggested that a comparison of the Russian and British workers' standards of living would be both profitable and interesting, special emphasis being laid on working conditions, wages, hours, social services, education and recreation; these standards should also be compared with those of pre-Revolution days. Questions about individual liberty, personal property and family life were among the most common. It was hoped that broadcasts would cover both town and country workers and would be given by someone who knew Russian living conditions, preferably from personal experience.

2. The Political and Social System of the U.S.S.R. On these subjects more confusion appeared to exist than on any others; explanatory broadcasts on both of them are very widely desired. The point most strongly and most frequently made was that the information should be true and impartial. Subjects in which listeners are most interested are (a) the working of Russian Communism, with an explanation of the essential differences between socialism, communism and fascism, and a comparison of the Soviet system with our own and other systems; (b) the social system e.g. industry, unemployment, insurance and welfare schemes, incomes, education and technical training; (c) the position of women in the U.S.S.R.

3. The Nature and Extent of British and American Aid Two schools of thought are apparent on this subject, the first maintaining that such talks could not be comprehensive because of the need for secrecy and the inevitable suppression of part, at least, of the truth. The majority, however, thought that the subject was very important and should be given as fully as the military situation will allow, so as to offset the enemy propaganda of “too little and too late”. Comments were not numerous, but there was evidence of considerable scepticism about newspaper reports and statistics; the most frequent questions were: “Are we doing our utmost?” and: “Are we helping in the right directions?”. Several suggested that talks on this subject should come from a Russian.

4. Soviet Internal Achievements up to the Beginning of the War with Germany This subject was placed fourth. Again, the majority of comments suggested that people were beginning to realise that Russia's achievements were considerably greater than they had been led to believe, and to wonder why they had been misled in the past: this was coupled with requests for detailed information about the industrial, agricultural and scientific achievements, the Five-Year Plans (planned by whom and how far fulfilled?) housing, education, and the medical services. A few were interested in comparing the present conditions with those before the Revolution, and others suggested a comparison with the development of any other country during the same period.

5. Russia's War Effort Almost equal to the demand for light on Russia's internal achievements was that for information about her war effort. Although there was much interest in this topic and a desire, above all, to know how the Soviet army had managed to hold the German forces for so long, a considerable number rejected the subject as the Russian war effort was self-evident. Several reported interest in Russian methods of production and in the use of natural resources and war material.

6. Long-Term Aims of the Soviet Union (a) at Home, (b) Abroad[Text Missing]

There is a much greater demand for light on the long-term objectives of Russia's foreign policy than on her long term home [Text Missing] Two main questions provoked considerable comment:

  1. Assuming that Soviet policy were international and not national (this was an open question for a good many) was there identity of interests between Russia and the United Kingdom and the U.S.A., and any permanent basis for post-war co-operation, despite the different ideologies of the Allies?

  2. Was Russia interested in spreading communism or would she be content to “live and let live?”

Many doubted the possibility of discussion of such points, since all national policies must to some extent change constantly with external events.

7. The Personalities of Soviet Leaders There appears to be much less demand for enlightenment on this subject. A minority said they would welcome dramatised biographies of past and present leaders, Lenin, Stalin, Timoshenko and Molotov being the most frequently mentioned. A few suggested that biographical material might be used to illustrate the equality of opportunity in the Soviet Union.

8. The History, Literature and Culture of the U.S.S.R. There appears to be relatively little demand for broadcasts on these subjects. A small audience would be interested in talks on Russian history, particularly the Revolutionary period and the years leading up to it, to enable them to view the present in perspective, as well as in talks on Russian culture in general. There were a number of requests for more Russian music. But it appears to be felt that such subjects are of academic interest only and irrelevant to the issues at stake, concern being felt for the present and future, not the past; with the fundamentals, not the “frills” of civilisation.

Sources of perplexity Out of ten issues suggested at causes of misunderstanding and distrust, the following appear to act, in the proportions shown, as barriers to a proper understanding of the Soviet Union:

%
(1) The attitude to religion in the U.S.S.R. 72
(2) Russia's post-war policy 64
(3) The invasion of Poland and the war with Finland 53
(4) The Secret Police (G.P.U.) 50
(5) Russo-Japanese relations 49
(6) The Nazi-Soviet Pact of August 1939 48
(7) The Communist International 38
(8) The bloodshed of the Revolution 33
(9) The Moscow Trials 24
(10) The repudiation of foreign investments 16

Class differences were again slight, although the minorities perplexed about the Secret Police, the Communist International, present Russo-Japanese relations, and the post-war policy of the U.S.S.R. were greater among working-class than among middle-class listeners. Concern with immediate and general questions, rather than historical and particular issues, is common to both, but is slightly more noticeable among working-class listeners.

1. The Attitude to Religion in the U.S.S.R. It seems that the British public is completely confused on this issue. More than any other problem, it has been a cause of misunderstanding and deep mistrust, and there is apparently great need for clarification, particularly on the question of persecution. The main questions seem to be: “Is there freedom of worship?” and: “Is the government hostile, or merely indifferent, to religion?” The feeling among the majority was that this question of religious toleration was one of the first that must be cleared up before any real understanding could be reached.

2. Russia's Post-War Policy This is a subject for much speculation, particularly on (a) whether Russia has a long-term international policy, and if so, whether she will identify her interests with those of Great Britain and the Allies after the war; and (b) whether she will attempt to convert the world to her way of thinking. Bound up with these questions was the oft-expressed fear that Russia would want to “have all the say” at the peace conference and that her influence would be subversive rather than pacific. As a source of perplexity this ranked second, whereas as a subject on which enlightenment was demanded, it ranked sixth, which suggests that there is widespread recognition that time alone can answer this question with any certainty.

3. The Invasion of Poland and the War with Finland The enquiry shows that doubt and distrust about these two actions is still prevalent among a large section of the public.

4. The Secret Police (G.P.U.) Although misgivings about Russia's internal policy are (but for the religious question) generally considered less important than her past, present and future foreign policy, only slightly less interest is shown in the Secret Police than in international questions. It is asked: “Why is such a system necessary if Russia is really a democracy?” and: “What has it in common with the Gestapo?”

5. Russo-Japanese Relations These were generally considered to be a source of great perplexity and important in their implications. The question: “Why doesn't Russia declare war on Japan?” was frequently asked, and was often coupled with the observation that her present “appeasement” policy is contrary to her ideals and is a poor reward for our help. The general view seems to be that a clash is inevitable, and there is some fear that Japan will give Russia “a stab in the back” when it suits the Axis cause best.

6. The Nazi-Soviet Pact Misgivings about this are still prevalent among the majority, although in the opinion of a fairly strong minority events have justified it as a diplomatic manoeuvre. Where doubt exists it is accompanied by one of two feelings: sympathy with Stalin for being “had” like Chamberlain (supposing the signature to have been made in good faith or indignation that Russia should have been “out for herself” so much as to admit compromise with Germany. Opinion on this point is very confused, and is bound up with personal reactions to Munich, to the Anglo-Soviet conversations, and to “appeasement” as such.

7. The Communist International As a source of misunderstanding, this is far less widespread than the religious question or the G.P.U. To a considerable number it is still considered an “extra-territorial trouble maker”. Questions which perplex are: “Does Russia want to spread Communism?”: “What is its influence in Great Britain?”: “Does the Communist Party here receive instructions direct from Moscow?”: “How is it financed and by what authority?”: “Is its existence compatible with declared Russian international policy?”

8. The Bloodshed of the Revolution The memory of this has clearly faded a great deal from the public mind, and the revulsion which once was so strong is now far weaker.

9. The Moscow Trials The comparative rarity with which these trials are remembered and cited as causes of mistrust is remarkable, especially since, at the time, they “made the headlines” for weeks on end. Even among those who do remember them, they do not seem to be a source of misunderstanding.

10. The Repudiation of Foreign Investments Least of all the ten issues does this remain in the public mind as a “sore place”. For most it was always an academic question and by them it has largely been forgotten.

Conclusions At the moment feelings about Russia combine profound gratitude and admiration with a considerable sense of frustration that more overt help cannot be given to her. But these feelings have been engendered only by recent events and behind them lie years when public opinion oscillated with bewildering rapidity between sympathy and repugnance an experience which has left the public without any sense of emotional security about Russia.

There is a great desire for enlightenment about the Soviet Union, but any information that may be given must be unmistakably authentic. The strongest demand is for more information about the lives of ordinary people. Talks in which Russian citizens in various walks of life compare their conditions with those of similar British citizens would be warmly welcomed. Enlightenment on Russia's political and social system, only if it were truly objective, would also be highly acceptable. Interest in these topics far exceeds that in the personalities of Russia's leaders or in Russian history, literature and culture.

In an intermediate position is interest in the nature and extent of Allied aid to Russia, her internal achievements before the war, and her war effort, though this is felt by many to be self-evident.

The question which bulks largest as a stumbling block to full understanding of Russia is that of the Soviet government's attitude towards religion in the U.S.S.R. There is also much misgiving about Russian long-term aims, and more interest in her international than in her internal objectives. Present Russo-Japanese relations also puzzle many. Of things in the past, there is still much perplexity about the Nazi-Soviet Pact, the occupation of Poland in 1939 and the war with Finland.

Many people are uneasy about the existence of the G.P.U. in a country which is fighting for “freedom”. The activities of the Communist International on the other hand, do not cause anything like as much apprehension; the bloodshed of the Revolution, the Moscow trials, and above all the Soviet repudiation of foreign investments after the Revolution, do not seem to be widespread sources of misunderstanding or ill-will.

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