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WILLESDEN AND THE NEW TOWNS
General Summary

The main body of detailed factual data which has resulted from this inquiry will he found in the pages following this summary; but it may be useful to indicate here its general character.

1. The Age Structure of Willesden's Population . The sex and age structure of the Willesden population differed little from the national average. On these counts, therefore, the data in this Report may be assumed to have been uninfluenced by any abnormality. This has particular relevance to the later section of the Report dealing with willingness to move to a new town, showing that a large proportion of those willing to move were young people.

2. The Provenance of the Population . It appears that more than three-quarters (78%) of the present adult population of Willesden (excluding those who were born in the borough) first arrived there in the years 1919-1946. The original social background of these immigrants was fairly diverse, and this diversity has recently been accentuated, since to the many (35%) who were born in a variety of provincial centres and districts (as well as in other parts of London - (53%), has been added a considerable group of persons born abroad (12%). Nearly half (46%) the most recent immigrants (i.e., those entering Willesden after 1939) said that they took accommodation in the Borough because they could find nothing else. Indeed, the combination of these factors might well mean that Willesden residents have little interest or pride in their borough, or any feeling of identification with it. It was not surprising to find, therefore, that many informants told interviewers that they were unaware that they were Willesden residents. How far an absence of local loyalty contributed to the proportion of people who said that they were willing to move to a new town, it is impossible to say.

3. The Character of Willesden's Housing . In some respects, the architectural character of Willesden's housing differed little from that of the London Region as a whole. There was an important exception, however, in that a larger proportion of the Willesden people lived in self-contained flats than did so in the Region (in mid-1945). A very considerably larger proportion (55%) of Willesden households were living in sub-divided dwellings - were, that is to say, sharing a dwelling with other households - than was the case in the London Region (25%) or in England and Wales (7%) in mid-1945.

In some ways, Willesden households occupied fewer rooms than the general population of England and Wales, where only 11% of households had only one or two rooms, compared with 15% in Willesden. On the other hand, Willesden had more than twice the proportion (38%) of households occupying three rooms than had England and Wales (16%); but households having four rooms or more were a consistently smaller proportion of Willesden households than of all households in the country.

Almost three-quarters of Willesden households had two bedrooms or less. Nearly all households had their own kitchen; but one-third had no bathroom, and an additional one-quarter shared it. All households had access to a W.C., but nearly one-quarter had to share it with other households. One-quarter of Willesden households had no garden.

4. Dissatisfaction with Housing . It was clear that dissatisfaction with present housing was a highly significant characteristic of the Willesden population. Nearly two-thirds (61%) of the adults said that they were dissatisfied with it in some way, and this dissatisfaction was much more common amongst the young than the old. The maximum incidence of dissatisfaction occurred in the middle, rather than the lowest or the highest, economic groups. Yet this dissatisfaction was quite common in all economic groups, even the highest, although the reasons of the latter may have been different - in degree of seriousness if not in nature.

Dissatisfaction was also more common in the more densely populated areas of the borough, and in dwellings which were subdivided (for example, while 47% of housewives occupying the whole of their dwelling were dissatisfied, 72% of 6 2housewives sharing with another household were dissatisfied). The extent of dissatisfaction did not significantly increase, however, when a dwelling was shared with more than one household, so that it appears that it was the fact of sharing at all that was closely related to dissatisfaction.

The most common complaint was overcrowding. Of all the dissatisfied informants, 28% said that their dwelling was “over-crowded; not big enough”; and another group (20%) said “I would like a place of my own: I don't like sharing”. Of those informants who mentioned inadequate amenities, a large group (22% of all the dissatisfied) complained that they had no bathroom, or that their dwelling “lacked modern conveniences” (21%). Inadequate state of repair was mentioned by 16%, and dampness by 13%.

5. Preference for Single-Class Streets. Rather more than half (54%) the informants said that they were living in a street of mixed social classes; and the higher the economic group, the greater was the proportion saying this. Almost two-thirds (62%) of the informants however, said that they would prefer the single-class street, and it was noticeable that the higher economic groups preferred this rather more frequently. It was clear that most Willesden people preferred to have as neighbours others of their own social status. Thus, when given a choice, most selected as neighbours the class “appropriate” to their own status - e.g., most middle-class informants preferred a single-class street of middle-class residents. At both ends of the economic scale there was a residue of people who preferred as neighbours people of a class different from their own.

It thus seems contrary to the wishes of the majority of the Willesden people that the planning of a new town should result in the close inter-mixture of classes in the same street. The planning of mixed neighbourhoods, however, is another matter, and might be acceptable.

6. Social Relationships in Willesden . Nearly two-thirds (61%) of the informants had relatives and friends living in Willesden, and of these three-quarters saw them once a week or more. Women saw them rather more frequently than the men. The more recent immigrants to the Borough had fewer relatives and friends there than had residents of longer standing. A slightly larger proportion (68%) of informants had relatives and friends in London outside Willesden than had them inside, but only about one-quarter of these saw them as often as once a week or more.

Generally speaking, neighbourly relations were not very much in evidence. Mutual help was most common, with 59% of housewives and 49% of other adults claiming that they gave this. Less than a quarter of the population were in the habit of visiting neighbours, or going out with them.

Even amongst people who were on good terms with relatives, friends and neighbours (as measured by frequency of visiting), it appeared that these social relationships did not form ties binding the Willesden population to its present location. Willingness to move to a new town was not related to the presence of friends or relatives in the Borough.

7. The Use of Social Facilities . Amongst the limited number of social activities which were investigated, it was clear that by far the most common recreational activity in Willesden was the cinema, attended by 81% of the adult population - a proportion rather higher than that of the whole civilian population, urban and rural together, of Great Britain (73%). This was closely followed by the public park in summer, visited at that season by 70% of the adults (although only 23% visited it in winter). Only just over half the adults ever visited the theatre; and all the other facilities investigated were utilised by only a minority of the people.

The frequency with which each facility was visited varied widely. This was most marked where visits occurred more than once a week. With two exceptions, none of the facilities were visited as frequently as this by more than 5% of the population. The exceptions were the cinema (visited more than once a week by 13% of adults), and the public park in summer-time (28% more than once a week).

There were some fairly marked individual differences in the persons who did, or did not, make use of the facilities. For example, with only two exceptions (the park in winter, and the public library) the older the individual the less likelihood was there that he made any use of them. It was clear, too, that the women, like the married of both sexes, tended to participate less.

Generally speaking, the journeys made by the people who did participate were quite short - usually 15 minutes or less. It was only the dance hall and the theatre which usually called for travel from home of greater length than this. More than half those who made use of the facilities walked there, except, once again, in the case of the theatre and the dance hall (to which only 3% and 16%, respectively, walked). It was noticeable, too that while a considerable minority said they found their journey inconvenient to many of the facilities, this minority was greatest amongst visitors to the theatre and the dance hall.

8. The Working Population . Rather more than half (51%) the Willesden working population remained for their work inside the Borough. Thirteen per cent. were working in boroughs adjoining Willesden to the S.W., W., and N., 13% in adjoining boroughs to the S.E., and 14% in Holborn, Westminster and the City of London. Only a small proportion (8%) went further afield than this to their work.

Only one-third of Willesden workers had been in their present occupation for ten years or more; and analysis showed that men had been in their jobs for longer periods than the women. Nine-tenths of the working men and women said that they were satisfied with their present job. Satisfaction was expressed more frequently by the old than by the young; and the length of time in the job was, as expected, directly related to satisfaction with it. At the same time, about one-third of the working population said that they would be prepared to take another job, either inside or outside London. 37% would do this if the new job were in London. In the case of a job outside London, a slightly larger proportion (31%) would do this if they could move out and live nearby than if it involved increased daily travelling from their present home (29%). But while this difference is significant statistically, administratively it is probably of little importance.

The largest group (42%) of Willesden workers travelled to work by bus or trolley-bus, and 13% went by Underground. One-fifth walked. For about two-fifths of the workers the journey took only 15 minutes or less, while for about three-quarters it was not more than half an hour. Over one-quarter (27%) said that they enjoyed their journey, although enjoyment decreased consistently as length increased (thus, 52% of those whose journey was less than 8 minutes said that they enjoyed it, compared with only 3% of the people who travelled an hour or more to their work). One-third of the workers said that they would prefer their journey to be shorter.

9. Population Willing to Move. Only 5% of Willesden adults already had plans to move from their present home, compared with 62% who said they would like to move elsewhere. Most of the latter group wished to move to Outer London, or outside London altogether. Amongst various factors related to reluctance to move, proximity to present workplace was considered important most often.

Of the whole Willesden population of all ages, 49% were willing to move to a new town. More were prepared to go if they were assured of a house and their present employer in the town, than would go if a new job were offered, or if the working members of the household had to travel from the town daily to their present work-place.

The moving group of the population was considerably younger than the general Willesden population. For example, while 45% of the whole Willesden population was under 30 years of age, this age-group constituted 52% of those prepared to move, and only 32% of those who would remain behind. Similarly, while 21% of those who said they did not wish to move were 60 or more, only 4% of the moving group were as old as this.

Comparison of the economic grouping of the moving population with that of the Willesden population as a whole showed that the lowest and the highest groups would be under-represented in a new town, and the middle groups over-represented. On the other hand, the occupation and industry structure of the moving population differed little from that of the total Willesden population, although it appears certain that there would be some under-representation of Willesden people from the professional, technical and, especially, self-employed groups.

10. Factors Related to Willingness to Move . Dissatisfaction with present housing conditions was foremost in the factors related to willingness to move to a new town; and it seemed clear that people who were satisfied with their homes were much less frequently attracted. In general, too, the longer people had lived in Willesden, the less likely were they to want to move to a new town. Yet willingness to move was scarcely affected by the presence of relatives or friends within the borough, so that it seems extremely doubtful whether lengthy residence in Willesden, and the reluctance to move which accompanied it, was related to strong social ties in the area. It is more likely to have been a reflection of age, since the more recent immigrants to Willesden were generally younger people.

11. Housing in the New Towns . Only a very small proportion (4%) of the Willesden adult population said that they would prefer a terraced house if they were to move to a new town. A detached house was preferred by 39%, a semi-detached house by 34%, and a self-contained flat by 15% of the population, Rather more than half (54%) of the informants said that they would prefer to rent a house in a new town, and 37% preferred to buy. It was noticeable that the proportion preferring to buy increased consistently, as was expected, as economic group rose. Few of the potential tenants said they would be willing to pay more than 35/- a week for their house, and 69% mentioned weekly rents of 24/- or less as the amount they would be able to pay.

It was found that 85% of housewives asked for three bedrooms or less in a new house. It seems probable, therefore, that if, in the new towns, the majority of dwellings are built on a three-bedroom standard, not only will most of the incoming families be accommodated, but additional space would be available to permit of expansion in family size.