27

Miners’ Reasons for Entering the Industry

At a time when alternative employment is more easily available the possibility that the mining industry will be able to retain old, and recruit new, employees must depend to some degree upon a positive preference for the occupation. It is clear that those who have selected mining from among other possible occupations, whether because they like the work, because they consider the economic conditions in mining favourable, or for personal reasons, will, other things being equal, be those who may be expected to remain in the in dustry. On the other hand, those who have gone into mining against their will may be expected to try to escape from it at the earliest opportunity. As a first step, therefore, towards an understanding of miners’ attitudes to their occupation, the inquiry recorded their reasons for entering mining on the first, or only, occasion.

The dominant reason (44%) which miners gave for first entering mining was that there was no other job available. All other reasons were given by a much smaller proportion of the sample, as the following Diagram indicates:

Other reasons

Only job available, and, family in it

Economic reasons

High wages

Family in it

Only job available

Percentage

The influence of family tradition in bringing men into the industry appears to have been quite considerable in the past (14%), although it was mentioned by far fewer than those in the “no alternative” category. Perhaps surprisingly, as many as 10% mentioned high wages as the reason for taking up mining. A large proportion (20%), however, gave miscellaneous answers, not all of which could be classified. Thus, some said that they were influenced by the fact that their friends were in, or were going into, mining; or that a friend got them the job. Another 3% went into the mining industry because they thought the working hours were shorter than elsewhere, and that there would be more time for recreation. The remaining 14% gave other reasons, of which the general tenor appeared to be the influence of an early enthusiasm for mining later disillusioned by experience.

In a regional analysis of the answers to this question, some differences became apparent. Those who entered mining because there was no alternative available; were most common in Ayrshire (55%) and least common in Fife and Clackmannan (37%) and Lothian (42%), with the Central coalfields occupying an approximately middle position (45%).

Fife Clackmannan

Lothian

Central

Ayr

Percentage

The attraction of high wages was least potent in Ayrshire, and most considerable in Lothian. There was little regional variation, however, in the proportions who went into the industry because their families were already in it. This may indicate that there is a more or less stable proportion of the population which is strongly influenced in its decisions by family tradition and loyalty, irrespective of other factors - at least up to a point.

The full results of the regional analysis were as follows:

It appears, therefore, that the majority (almost two-thirds) of the miners interviewed had entered the mining industry, not because of any positive preference for it, but because they had no alternative. The remainder mentioned some factor which had made them favourably inclined towards mining as an occupation when they first went into it. It is probably true that, with varying degrees of intensity, dissatisfaction with many jobs is widespread today, and that in any case the choice which an individual may exercise in selecting his job is no doubt largely illusory. Nevertheless, the negative attitude of the majority of Scottish miners to their work is marked, as will be seen from the following section.

28 29 31 32

The general attitude of miners and housewives to the mining industry

We come now to the central problem of the coal-mining industry- the attitudes of the coalminers and their wives to it as an occupation. The miner was asked what he thought of mining as a career for himself, and the housewife what she thought of it as a career for her husband, son or father, whichever was the chief wage-earner in the household. Only 17% of both sample expressed satisfaction with mining. Almost one third of both said outright that they would prefer some other job, while a considerable proportion of miners (20%) and housewives (15%) thought that they, or their chief wage-earner, would stay in mining only because there were no prospects of anything else.

“What do you think of mining as a career for yourself (miner) or your husband, son or father (housewife)?”

(The percentages total to more than 100 because some gave more than one answer to this question.)

In the housewives sample there were significant differences of opinion regarding the miners as an occupation according to whether her relationship to the miner was that of wife or mother. The following diagram illustrates these differences:

No Opinion, don’t know Son

Miscellaneous (inc.”I don’t like it.) Husband

Bad pay

Will stay because no other job, so old resigned to it.

Conditions bad, unhealthy, dangerous

It has no products, no future

Would like to get out, prefer other job, etc:

Satisfactory: Good at it, understand it, short hours, good pay, etc:

Percentages

It will he seen that housewives’ dissatisfaction with mining as a career is much greater when the son is concerned than when it is the husband. This is not to suggest, however, that they were satisfied with their husband’s occupation, but rather, perhaps, that they were resigned to it - almost three times as many expected their husbands to stay in mining because of resignation or because there was no alternative (16%) as expected this of their sons (6%). Only 4% of the housewives thought mining as a satisfactory career for their sons, as against 19% who thought it satisfactory for their husbands. Indeed, if the mother's opinion is at all an effective influence on their children’s choice of occupation, it appears unlikely that, in Scotland, the recruitment of young people to the mining industry will be large. Doubtless this was in part a reflection of the common hope that parents entertain that their children may succeed socially and economically where they themselves had failed. Nevertheless, the frequency with which it was expressed suggests a fundamental dissatisfaction with mining as an occupation.

An interesting reflection of the individual’s increasing adjustment, with increasing age, to the environment, appeared in the analysis of attitudes to mining by age groups:

In the case of the miners, satisfaction with, or adjustment to, mining increases slightly with age up to 59 or 60. After this age, however, satisfaction falls away, although still remaining at a level considerably above that of the youngest and middle age groups. The housewife sample, on the other hand, shows a more consistent level of satisfaction with mining throughout, but with an apparent slight decrease in satisfaction from 30-39, and again (as with the miners) from 60-69.

The same tendency to increasing acceptance of mining with age is illustrated, from the contrary standpoint, by the relative figures for those who expressed dissatisfaction with the industry:

AGE

Would prefer other job etc.

It has no prospects, uncertain

Conditions bad, dangerous etc:

Will stay because no other prospects.

No opinion, dont know.

DIAGRAM 10: What do you think of mining as a future career?”

The Main reasons given for thinking mining unsatisfactory, for

Miners and Housewives, by Age. (20 – 70, ten – year intervals).

The change of attitude at different ages, and the occasionally divergent attitudes of miners and housewives, are abundantly clear from the Diagram. Housewives, on the whole, tended to say more often that they would prefer the miner with whom they were concerned to find some other job, this response being particularly common in the 30-39 age group. The youngest age group of miners (20-29) were those who said more often that they would prefer to leave mining for another occupation. After thirty, there was a rapid decline in the proportions of those wishing to leave mining, falling to a minimum in the oldest age group (60-69). There was a similar decline with age in the housewives' sample, although the proportions remained at a consistently higher level amongst them than amongst the men. There was little general difference between the two samples in those who said that they thought mining had no prospects and was an insecure occupation. This response was met with very much less frequency amongst the older people, both men and women.

Housewives tended to comment more frequently upon the bad, dangerous and unhealthy conditions of mining than the miners. In the case of the latter, the proportions who mentioned it remained fairly constant throughout, except for a greater frequency in the 30-39 age group, and a sudden decline in the oldest group. The proportion of miners who said they would stay in the mining industry because there was little hope of their finding another job, increased markedly with age. There was a sudden jump in the frequency of this response from a minimum in the 20-29 age-group to double that proportion in the 30-39 group, suggesting that occupational adaptability is, or is considered by the miner to be, beginning to fail at a comparatively early age. The older miners were least optimistic about their prospects of other employment. The housewives showed a similar, although more steady, increase in this attitude with increasing age.

Finally – and this must borne in mind in the interpretation of these results – a quite considerable proportion of housewives expressed no opinion at all on this question. Moreover, in both miners’ and housewives’ samples, the oldest group (60-69) showed a very high proportion expressing no opinion.

In brief, then, these results confirm that, if they are given the choice of another occupation, it will be difficult to retain the younger miners in the industry. Commenting on the insecurity, the danger, and the bad conditions of employment in mining, many in the younger groups had a preference for another occupation, if this were possible and many considered the possibility of other employment for themselves not unlikely. The older miners, on the other hand, were possibly influenced to some extent by a fear that, because of their age, it would be difficult to enter another occupation. In addition, the greater the length of service in mining, the greater, no doubt, is the individual’s adjustment and resignation to the conditions he finds in it. Thus, the older miners mentioned considerably less frequently the lack of prospects in mining and its bad working conditions, and said less often that would prefer another occupation. The obverse of this attitude is the common statement of the older miner that he would stay in his present occupation because he saw no prospect of doing anything else.

In general, housewives’ opinions paralleled fairly closely those of the miner.

Dissatisfaction with mining, then, appears to be very definitely more common amongst the younger people. Also, as the following table indicates, dissatisfaction is more common amongst single miners than married.

It is clear that the married men are less eager to leave the mining industry, and are more likely to say that they will stay in mining because there are no prospects of anything else. Almost twice as many married men (19%) as single miners (11%) said, in general, that they thought the mining industry satisfactory

However, the majority of the single men are found in the youngest age group, so that these results may be a function of age rather than marital status. * At the same time another enquiry has shown that many young men in the mining areas complain that the low social and economic status of their occupation makes them undesirable mates to the girls of the neighbourhood. Moreover, when a large proportion of the local women and girls have to go away considerable distances to work – as we have already seen to be the case – the difficulties for a young miner trying to find a wife in his neighbourhood are very much increased. Finally married people might probably be less willing to incur the risks involved in changing to a new occupation.

An analysis by expanding and declining areas showed only slight differences in attitudes to mining as a career. Among the housewives the responses to the question were almost identical in both types of areas. The miners in the declining areas, however, took a slightly less optimistic view of mining as an occupation:

(The percentage totals are greater than 100 because more than one answer was possible to this question.)

The breakdown by region, however, revealed more marked differences:

(The percentage totals are greater than 100 because more than one answer was possible to this question.)

The smallest proportion of miners who considered mining to be a satisfactory occupation was found in the Central coalfield. The desire to move to another job was most common in the Lothian and Central coalfield. Those who thought mining had no prospects and was an insecure occupation were more frequently found in the Lothian and Ayrshire fields. Bad working conditions were mentioned slightly more frequently in Lothian and Ayr than in the other two areas. The Lothian and Ayrshire miners, also, said less frequently that they were no prospects of anything else. There was a slightly greater proportion of young people in the Lothian and Ayrshire mines, also, said less frequently that they were resigned to mining, and fewer would stay in it because there were no prospects of anything else. There was a slightly greater proportion of young people in the Lothian and Ayrshire samples, but not sufficiently large an excess to account for these differences.

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What Miners thought was wrong with the Mining Industry

The inquiry collected information on the reasons for the unpopularity of mining as an occupation. Miners were asked whether they thought there was anything wrong with the industry, the overwhelming majority saying that there was:

This response was general throughout the age groups, although the 20-29’s had slightly more who said “No” and the 30-39’s slightly more who said “Yes”. The married were more critical of the industry than the single:

This was probably due to the greater economic responsibilities of the married, to whom insecurity of employment is especially irksome. Also, the married, being generally the older age groups, having had greater experience of the industry, will possess greater understanding of its shortcomings.

Those miners in the declining areas were only slightly more critical (89%) than those in the expanding areas (86%). There was no significant difference between the dominantly mining areas and mixed industrial areas. On the other hand, satisfaction with the industry tended slightly to increase as the proportion of miners in the area increased:

The analysis by region showed little difference in the amount of criticism between the Lothian, Central and Ayrshire coalfields. The Fire and Clackmannan miners, however, had a larger proportion who thought there was nothing wrong with the industry. This was probably a reflection of the better conditions prevailing in that area. Moreover, since a considerable proportion of the miners in that area have migrated there from other fields, they are presumably to some extent those who have a preference for the industry.

DIAGRAM 11: Scottish Miners: Do you think there is anything wrong with the mining industry?” by Region.

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The criticisms made of the mining industry

Those who had said that they thought something was wrong with the mining industry were then asked they thought was wrong with it. Over one half mentioned bad working conditions, and nearly 40% bad wages and methods of payment:

(The percentage totals are more than 100 because some gave more than one answer to this question).

When these answers were analysed by age, some very marked differences became apparent, as the diagram shows:

AGE

Mines should be nationalised

Wages bad, and methods of payment.

Insecurity of the job, no pension etc:

Working conditions bad etc:

Increased mechanisation nedded

Mines badly managed etc:

Everything wrong with it.

DIAGRAM 12: The Main Reasons for Dissatisfaction with the Mining Industry. by Age (Miners)

It will be seen that the most common criticisms of the mining industry for all age groups were bad working conditions, bad wages and methods of payment, and bad management. The nationalisation of the mines * was mentioned by a fairly stable proportion in all age groups, except for the 50-60 group, where it was mentioned more frequently. Insecurity, and the absence of a pension, was mentioned by only a small percentage, and least frequently in the youngest group. Increased mechanisation was mentioned by few, and fell to a minimum of 1% in the oldest group.

Those who thought “everything” was wrong with the industry were a more or less stable proportion throughout the age groups, except the oldest, where they were less common.

Turning to the more common criticisms, we find that complaints on the ground of bad wages and methods of payment decrease markedly with age. Several factors are of importance here:

(i) the older miner is probably earning more than the younger man;

(ii) Those in mining for a long time will be more accustomed to conditions in it:

(iii) for the young man just starting his working life, other occupations have a more attractive starting pay, at a fixed rate, not so much subject to variation as in mining.

Similarly, criticism of bad working conditions in mining also decreased sharply in the older age groups – no doubt also a reflection, in part, of increasing adjustment to prevailing conditions as the individual becomes older. Moreover, the younger man, having other occupational possibilities available, will be less tolerant of bad conditions in mining.

On the other hand, older miners tended to express more criticism of the way the mines were managed, again, perhaps, because of their greater experience of the industry.

The married and single miners showed some considerable divergences of opinion:

(These percentages total to more then 100 because some gave more than one answer to this question).

But the large proportion of young people in the single group, and the large proportion of older people in the married group, must be remembered. It will then be seen that the variations are practically identical in form with those between the youngest age groups and the older groups. The only exception is in those who mentioned the nationalisation of the mines, which was far commoner among the married than the single. This is probably a reflection of the need of married people for security of employment – a security which they may suppose nationalisation will bring.

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Regional Differences

There were some differences in the form of criticism of the mining industry as between the expanding and declining areas:

Everything wrong with it

Increased mechanisation needed

Insecurity of job, no pension etc:

Mines should be nationalised

Mines badly managed

Wages bad, and methods of payment

Working conditions bad.

Percentage

DIAGRAM 13: “What do you think is wrong with the mining industry?” by Expanding and Declining areas.

In both types of area the main criticisms were of bad working conditions, bad wages and methods of payment, and bad management. Those in the declining areas, however, commented more often on bad conditions and bad wages. Comments on management, on the other hand, were less common in the declining areas. The remainder of the criticisms were found to and almost equal extent in both expanding and in the declining areas.

There were slight, but not very significant, differences between mixed and dominantly mining areas. There was slightly more criticism of bad wages and method of payment, and of bad working conditions, in the mining areas, and difference. Some more marked differences appeared, however, in the analysis according to the proportion of miners in the area:

(The percentages total to more than 100 because some gave more than one answer to this question).

It will be seen:

Some explanation of these points emerges from a regional analysis, shown in the following diagram:

Mines should be nationalised

Wages bad etc:

Insecurity, no pension

Working conditions bad.

Increased mechanisation nedded

Mines badly managed etc:

Everything wrong with it.

DIAGRAM 14: “What do you think is wrong with the mining industry?” by Region

For all regions, the main criticisms were the same: bad wages, bad working conditions and bad management. The Fife and Clackmannan field shows the lowest proportions in all for these main points of criticism, except for criticism of bad management. The Lothian field had the highest proportions who mentioned nationalisation, insecurity and bad management. It was these areas which had a generally high proportion of miners in the working population, which suggests that the higher demand for nationalisation in such areas (see (i) above) is related to the conditions existing in Lothian, and is not really a function of the greater proportion of miners in the area.

The largest proportions mentioning bad working conditions and the need for increased mechanisation were found in the Central coalfield. Ayrshire had the largest proportion mentioning bad wages, and the largest proportion (although small) saying that “everything” was wrong with the industry.

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The Miners and the General Public

It was considered possible that the unpopularity of mining as an occupation was in part the result of the general attitude of the public to the industry-or, rather, of what miners and their wives thought was the general attitude. They were therefore asked if they thought the general public knows enough about mining and mining life. The results were almost unanimous:

It will be seen that only 4% both men and women thought that the public know enough about mining. Analysed by region, no differences became apparent, except that there were very slightly more miners in Ayrshire who replied “Don’t know”.

Of some interest however, were the replies obtained when miners and housewives who answered “No” were asked what they thought the public should be told. The following diagram shows the form these answers took:

The bad housing

Hard life of a miner's wife

More publicity, films etc:

The truth, fact about mining (not specified)

Miners looked down on, etc:

Bad pay, deductions etc:

Go down pits and see for themselves

Conditions, dangers, etc:

Percentage

DIAGRAM 15: Scottish Miners and Housewives

“What do you think the public ought to be told about mines and mining?”

Presumably those who said the public should “go down the pits and see for themselves” can be put together with those who commented on the bad and dangerous conditions of work in the mines. It then becomes clear that the overwhelming feeling among miners and their wives is that the general public have no adequate conception of what mining really means in terms of physical discomfort and danger. The miners, having first-hand experience of these things, commented upon them more often than their wives.

It is important to notice that a considerable proportion said that they felt themselves considered socially inferior because they were miners, three times as many housewives as miners commenting on this. No doubt this difference is due to the fact that housewives mix more freely with people who are not connected with the mines, and would therefore be exposed to any social snobbery that existed. The miners, by the nature of their work, tend to be isolated from the general non-mining social life. It seems essential, therefore, that future mining settlements should be closely interrelated with workers from other industries. There would, in these circumstances, be an opportunity for social prejudice against the miner to be minimised through greater understanding of his conditions.

Contrary to expectation, very few of both miners and housewives thought that the public should be told about bad housing in the mining areas. Yet, as will be seen later, bad housing is a considerable factor in miners' and housewives’ discontent. It may be that the persons interviewed considered housing to be irrelevant to the intent of the question; or that they feared widespread publicity given to their poor housing would lower their social prestige still further in the eyes of the general public.

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CONCLUSIONS

1. The results make it obvious once again that bad wages and bad working conditions are the main reasons amongst miners of all groups for the unpopularity of their occupation. It is clear that the most considerable efforts will have to be devoted to improvements in these directions if labour is to be retained in, and attracted to, the industry. Such improvements would have an especially noticeable effect upon the attitude of the younger miners, and especially in the depressed areas from which it is proposed to move mine workers. For the older miner, improvement in mine management and in security would be of additional importance - more important, apparently, than to the younger workers. Changes in these directions would go some way to meet the young men’s objections, and so to facilitate immediate recruitment. In addition, by meeting some of the older miners' objections, they may be encouraged to persuade their own children to follow then into the pits.

2. Some danger and discomfort is inseparable from mining by its very nature. As things are, miners feel they have too little social prestige and many of them are conscious of what they imagine to be their social inferiority. Miners and their wives think that the general public understands too little of mining and its dangers to be able to extend to it the appreciation which they do to other dangerous, but socially necessary, occupations.

3. It appears necessary to improve mining conditions sufficiently as to make it a positively attractive industry. A large proportion of workers entered mining because they had no alternative, which does not make for a contented labour force.

4. It seems likely, from the data in this section, that the older miners, generally above 30 years of age, will stay in the industry. It is below this age that migration from mining to another occupation seems most likely. Mothers, too, are especially dissatisfied with the prospects of mining for their sons, although they are more prepared to accept it for their husbands. This confirms that efforts to attract workers to the mining industry should be especially directed to the younger men and boys.

5. It is probable that general understanding of the mining industry would be fostered by mixing mining families with those from other occupations. Mining is in any case a socially isloating occupation below ground; above ground, care should be taken to reintegrate the miner as far as possible into the general pattern of social life. *