53 54

Attitudes of Housewives to Migration

The information collected from the housewives on this problem was less detailed and complete than that for the miners, so that it may be more convenient to deal with this first.

Housewives were given one question on the possibility of migration, which asked them if they would be prepared to move, if reasonable housing conditions were offered, to another part of Scotland. A majority said that they would be willing to move:

As might have been expected, readiness to move decreased markedly with age, from 70% who were willing to move in the 20-29 age group, to 18% in the 60-69 age group. This is, no doubt, a reflection of the deeper social roots which older people have in their own neighbourhood, and their general reluctance to expose themselves to the need for making adjustments to a new environment.

The response to this question was also analysed by the Housing Index score of the house in which the housewife lived. It appeared from this analysis that readiness to move to another part of Scotland increased steadily as the housing index score decreased: the worse the house in which the woman was living, the more probable that she would be willing to move. No doubt this resulted in part from the stated condition in the question that reasonable housing conditions would be offered in the receiving areas.

These figures leave no doubt that, for the housewives, the prospect of better housing in the new areas is a powerful attraction, especially amongst those housewives whose present housing is bad.

Similarly, housewives in declining areas were more often willing to move than those in the expanding areas:

Those in dominantly mining areas, and in areas having a higher proportion of miners in the total working population, were slightly less willing to move, although the differences were small.

A regional analysis showed some considerable differences between regions in the proportion of housewives who were willing to move to another part of Scotland. Readiness to move was greatest in the Central coalfield, followed by Fife and Clackmannan in the second place.

Central Fife Clackmannan Ayr Lothian

DIAGRAM 23 : Housewives: Those who would be prepared to more if reasonable housing conditions were offered to another part of Scotland by Region.

Summing up, it seems that the younger housewives, and those at present living in worse housing, are more often willing to move. Territorial analyses show that readiness to move is more common among housewives in declining areas than in expanding, and in the Central coalfield than elsewhere. At the same time, no less than about one half, and often more, of the housewives in all groups (except the age group 60-69) stated their readiness to move.

55 56

The Miners’ Attitudes

Miners were asked if they would be prepared to move, if reasonable housing conditions were offered, to another mine in another part of Scotland. This question introduced a condition (“to another mine”) which was not present in the question asked for housewives. It is possible that the very considerable difference in the response to these questions can be explained in part by the different form of the question: the proportion of miners who said they could be willing to move to another part of Scotland was only half that of the housewives.

On the other hand, the decrease with age in readiness to move was less marked on this question amongst the miners than it was amongst housewives. The proportion willing to move remained steady until the 50-59 age group, when there was a sudden fall, with another greater fall in the 60-69 age group. Amongst housewives, however, willingness to move steadily decreased throughout the age groups. The following Diagram illustrates both the relative proportions of miners and housewives willing to move, and the age differences in each sample:

Housewives Miners

60-69 years

50-59 years

40-49 years

30-39 years

20-29 years

Percentage

DIAGRAM 24: These miners who would be prepared to move to another mine in another part of Scotland, and housewives who would be prepared to more, if reasonable housing conditions were offered, by Age.

It must be repeated that the differences might have been less striking had it been made clear to the housewives that the suggested migration was to be to another mining area. Nevertheless, it may have been that housewives were influenced to a greater extent than the miners * by the prospect of better housing in the new area.

Marital status appeared to be a factor of some importance which influenced miners’ replies to this question. Married miners were more willing to move than single miners:

Two possible and complementary explanations of this result suggest themselves. Married miners with family responsibilities may feel more often that a secure livelihood is better assured by their remaining in an occupation in which they are already well established; and the prospect of better housing for their families may have attracted them. Single miners have not these responsibilities, and may have been less interested in better housing since they have no children. They may, too, feel more justified in risking a change of occupation.

As with the housewives, readiness to move was more common in declining than in expanding areas, and in mixed communities than in dominantly mining communities:

The analysis by region showed some considerable differences, with readiness to move most common amongst miners in the Central coalfield, and least common in Ayrshire. These differences do not correspond at all points with those for housewives shown above:

Central Fife Clackmannan Ayr Lothian

DIAGRAM 25: Those miners and housewives who were prepared to move to another part of Scotland. By Region

Analysed by the Housing Index score of the miner’s house, readiness to move decreased, as it did amongst the housewives, with better housing condition. The general downward trend was only slightly different among the miners than among the housewives, although the proportion who were willing to move was at all points lower amongst the miners:

Briefly, then, a much smaller proportion of miners than housewives were prepared to move to another part of Scotland, perhaps because it was made explicit that the migration was to be to another mining area. Decrease with age in willingness to move, however, was less marked amongst the miners, except in the two oldest age-groups. Of more importance than age was marital status almost twice as many married as single miners were willing to move. The declining areas, and the mixed communities, had a greater proportion willing to move. As in the case of the housewives, where existing miners’ housing was bad, they were more willing to move.

57 58 59

Migration to a new occupation

When, however, miners were asked if they would be prepared to move to another part of Scotland to go into another occupation, the results were considerably different from the preceding question. Many more than while remaining in mining. The following Diagram illustrates this divergence:

TO another occupation

To another mine

DIAGRAM 26 : Miners “Would you be prepared to more if reasonable housing conditions were offered, to another mine, or another occupation in another part of Scotland?”

An age analysis of the replies to this question showed that at all ages the proportion of miners who were prepared to move to another part of Scotland for another occupation was considerably greater than those who were willing to move to another mine. Nevertheless, the proportion who were willing to migrate to another occupation decreased with age, and the rate of decline was rather more steep here than amongst those willing to move to another mine. The explanation here may lie in the older miners’ feeling that their adjustment to a new occupation would be more difficult than it would be for a younger man. Older miners may therefore be less willing to migrate to another occupation for this reason. Amongst those who were willing to migrate to another mine, the problem of adjustment to a new job would not arise, and the problem would be only that of adjustment to a new Social environment.

To another occupation To another mine.

60-69 years

50-59 years

40-49 years

30-39 years

20-29 years

Percentage

DIAGRAM 27 : Miners: Those who would be prepared to more to another mine, or another occupation, in another part of Scotland. By Age

Marital status also appears to have been a factor of some importance in influencing willingness to move to another occupation elsewhere, although its effect was in the reverse direction from its effect on readiness to move to another mine. In the latter case, more married than single miners were willing to move to another mine. More single than married miners, however, were willing to move to another occupation in another part of Scotland.

To another occupation To another mine.

Single

Married

DIAGRAM 28 : Those miners who were willing to move by Marital Status

Only a slight difference was revealed between the expanding and declining areas in the proportion of miners who were willing to move to another part of Scotland to another occupation. A slightly larger proportion from the declining areas were prepared to move.

There were no difference between mixed and dominantly mining area. On the other hand, areas with up to 25% of the working population in mining had more who were prepared to move than areas with a greater proportion in mining.

A regional analysis showed slight regional differences, but these were not so marked as they were in the replies to the preceding question.

Analysis by the Housing Index score also showed less marked differences than in the previous question, when the suggested migration was to another mine. In that case, readiness to move decreased amongst those miners inhabiting better houses. There was no such tendency, however, in the response to the present question. No consistent tendency was discernable, except that those miners whose houses had a score of 30-39 were more often willing to move:

It is possible that, when the suggested migration was to another mine, the attraction operating was that of improved housing. This attraction would be less effective as the house the miner was living in improved. In the second question, on the other hand, it may be that the attraction was more often the prospect of another occupation - an attraction which, as will be seen later, is effective in a majority of nearly all categories of miners.

60 61 62 63

General preference for mining, or for another occupation

Miners were asked whether, if there were other jobs going after the war, they thought they would stay in mining or go into some other industry. Almost two-thirds of the sample said they thought they would go into another occupation:

The age analysis, however, showed that, the older the miner, the more frequently did he expect to continue in mining. In the oldest group 60-69 years, almost two-thirds of the men expected to stay in mining.

DIAGRAM 29: Miners, who said they would stay in mining, if there were different jobs, after the war. By Age.

More than twice as many married (33%) miners as single miners (15%) said they would stay in mining. There was no difference between expanding and declining areas in this regard. The fact that the community was mixed or dominantly mining, or that it had a larger or smaller proportion of miners in the working population, had no significant effect upon the proportion who would stay in mining.

The only marked regional difference was that Fife and Clackmannan had the largest proportion who said they would stay in mining - the first indication of greater satisfaction with mining in that area:

Those who said they thought they would go into another occupation were then asked which occupation they thought they would enter. The largest category were those who said “anything but mining.” In addition, a considerable proportion could give no answer to this question. There are no marked preferences for any one occupation rather than another:

Age analysis showed that those in the 30-39 and the 50-59 groups said more often that they would take ‘anything but mining’:-

Rather more of the single than of married miners said they would prefer to take other jobs than mining:

There were some, but not very significant, differences between expanding and declining areas.

Other differences appeared in the analysis by mixed and dominantly mining areas, and by the proportion of miners in the total working population. Antagonism to mining was expressed more often in the mixed communities, and in communities in which 25-50% of the workers were miners.

In all these analyses there was no significant difference in preferences for the various occupations mentioned.

Further light was thrown on this problem by another question: “Would you rather stay here but go into factory work, or move to another mine in another place?” In this case, in addition to the attraction of a new occupation, there was the further advantage of not having to move. Consequently, a larger proportion said they would prefer to stay to do factory work than had said that they would be prepared to move to another occupation in another part of Scotland.

The following diagram compares the response to the present question with those for the preceding question (i.e. “Would you be prepared to move, if reasonable housing conditions were offered, to another occupation in another part of Scotland?”)

Qn 8 “Would you be prepared to move to another occupation in another part of Scotland?”

Qn 11 “Would you rather stay here, but go into factory work, or move to another mine in another place?”

No answer

Dont know

Prefer to stay here (in mining)

Prefer to move to another occupation elsewhere

No answer

Dont know

Prefer to move to another mine

Prefer to stay here and go into factory

Diagram 30 : Questions 8 and 11 compared

It will be seen that the majority in both questions said they would prefer to enter another occupation, although for a considerable proportion the disadvantages of having to move outweighed the advantages of a new occupation. Many more were prepared to stay in mining if they remained in their present neighbourhood than would be prepared to move to a new mine in another part of Scotland. All this suggests that the prospect of migration is an unpopular one with many miners, particularly migration to another mine. It is probable that the presence of alternative employment in their own neighbourhood after the war will draw many miners from the pits, and will prevent migration to new mining areas, except by a minority.

Analysing by age, it appeared that the younger age groups more often preferred to stay where they were but go into factory work, than the older age groups.

It must be noted, however, that the proportion who gave no answer to the question, or did not know, increased very markedly with age.

Fewer of the married than of the single preferred to stay to go into factory work. Similarly, fewer in the expanding than the declining areas preferred to stay. There were no significant differences between mixed and dominantly mining areas. Analysing by the proportion of miners in the total working population, it appeared that areas with 25-50% who were miners had a smaller proportion who preferred to remain to go into factory work:

Regional analysis showed that more in the Lothian and Central coalfield, than in Fife, Clackmannan and Ayr were prepared to stay to go into factory work:

Summing up once more, the data appear to indicate a general reluctance of the younger, and of the single, miners to stay in the industry. Many more (especially the young and the single) were willing to move to another occupation than to another mine, and the condition of existing miners’ housing did not in this case appear to affect the issue. Similarly, a majority of the miners said they would prefer to go into another industry after the war, although fewer miners of 40 years of age or more preferred this. Twice as many married as single preferred to stay in mining. Fife and Clackmannan had a somewhat larger proportion who said they preferred mining. More (especially the young and the single) said they would prefer to stay where they were and do factory work than enter another occupation which involved going to another place.

64 65 66 67 68 69

Migration to the Fifeshire Mines

The next question asked of miners was concerned specifically with the proposed movement of miners to the new areas in Fifeshire: “In certain parts of Fife new, highly mechanised pits are going to be opened, and new towns with all facilities built within easy reach of them. Would you consider moving to such a place to live and work? “ Almost two-thirds of the sample said they would not be prepared to move to Fife:

There was no difference between mixed and dominantly mining areas. A greater proportion in those communities having 25-50% of the working population in mining were prepared to move:

Rather more in the declining than in the expanding areas said they would be prepared to move:

This was reflected in the regional analysis, which showed that the central coalfield had a larger proportion who were willing to move to Fifeshire:

Willingness to move was less common after 40 years of age, and was less common among single (24%) than married miners (33%).

Miners who answered this question were also asked why they were willing or unwilling to move. The answers are shown in the following diagram:

If no, why?

Bad conditions, gas

Don’t like Fife because of its people

Miscellaneous

Too old to move

Don’t like mechanised pit.

Want to get out of mining

Unwilling to leave this place.

If yes, why?

Prefer area with alternative industries.

Better social life and conditions.

Vague preference

Prefer mechanised pit.

Will have to move this pit finished

Attracted by housing

Better conditions and pay.

Diagram 31 : Miners: Why willing or not willing to more to new Fireshire mines.

Two dominant reasons were given for not wishing to move. On the one hand, there was general reluctance to leave the neighbourhood; and on the other, a desire to get out of the mining industry. Other reasons were of less importance. It is interesting to notice, however, that there was some specific dislike of Fifeshire itself, either because of its people, or because of the conditions of work in the mines – the depth of the seams, the presence of gas, etc. For some, the prospect of increased mechanisation was a deterrent to migration, while for others it was an attraction.

There was only a single dominant reason given by those who said they would be willing to move: the prospect of better pay and better working conditions. With this group, no doubt, can be placed those who were attracted by the better housing in the new Fifeshire areas. Increased mechanisation was mentioned by some as an attraction. A considerable proportion, it is important to note, said they preferred to work in an area with alternative industries *

An age analysis was made of the reasons given by those who were willing to move, although analysis was possible by only three age groups, the sample being too small in the 50-70 age groups:

(The percentage totals are greater than 100 because more than one answer was possible to this question).

The attraction of better housing in Fifeshire was greatest in the 30-39 age group, presumably because this group has a greater proportion of married people with young children.

The following diagram shows, by age, the reasons given by those who did not wish to move to Fifeshire:

AGE

Want to get out of mining

Unwilling, to leave this place, or to more to another mine.

Bad condition in-Fife mines.

Unwilling to go to a mechanised pit.

Too old to move

Don’t like Fife, or Fife people.

Diagram 32 : Miners. Reasons for not wishing to more to new Fifeshire mines. By Age.

It will be seen once again that a positive dislike of mining as such, and a desire to leave it for some other industry, was greatest in the 20-29 age group. After 29 years there was a sharp and continuous drop until, in the 60-69 age group, the proportion who wanted to get out of mining was almost negligible. The middle age groups had a larger proportion who said they were unwilling to leave their present neighbourhood, or to move to another mine.

It is interesting to notice that dislike of mechanisation was also mentioned by fewer in the older age groups than in the youngest and middle age groups, although greater resistance to new methods (and greater understanding of their dangers) might have been expected among the older miners.

Analysis by marital status showed some marked differences:

(The percentage totals are more than 100 because more than one answer was possible to this question).

Comparison with the analysis by age, however, suggests that the differences shown above are a function of age rather than of marital status.

Analysis by expanding and declining areas of the reasons for willingness or unwillingness to move revealed some interesting divergences of attitude:

(The percentage totals are more than 100 because more than one answer was possible to this question.)

The most striking difference here is in those who said they would like to move to Fife because of better conditions of work, better pay and better prospects there. While 43% of those in the expanding areas gave this reason, only 27% of those in the declining areas mentioned this. Similarly, while 7% of those in the expanding areas liked the prospect of moving to Fifeshire because of the better social life and conditions, only 3% in the declining areas mentioned it. These differences are balanced by the large majority of those in the declining areas (26%) as against the expanding areas (5%) who said they would have to move in any case because the area they were living in was worked out. In addition, twice as many in the expanding areas as in the declining areas were attracted to Fifeshire because of the prospect of increased mechanisation there.

(The percentage totals are greater than 100 because more than one answer was possible to this question.)

In the case of those who were unwilling to move, the differences were not so marked. Rather more of those in the declining areas said merely that they were unwilling to leave their present locality, or were unwilling to move to another mine. On the other hand, the prospect of mechanisation was more of a deterrent in the expanding than in the declining areas.

As between mixed and dominantly mining areas, there was little difference in the reasons given, either by those willing, or by those unwilling, to move to Fifeshire.

Analysis by the proportion of miners in the total working population showed that communities with 25-50% of miners were more attracted by better working conditions and pay, better housing and more mechanisation:

(The percentage totals are greater than 100 because more than one answer was possible to this question).

There were also some differences in the reasons given by those not willing to move, when analysed by the proportion of miners in the total working population:

(The percentage totals are greater than 100 because more than one answer was possible to this question.)

Summing up, it is clear that a majority (almost two-thirds) of the miners were not prepared to move to the new Fifeshire mines, fewer single than married miners saying they would be willing. Dislike of mining and reluctance to move to a new neighbourhood were the dominant reasons given for not wishing to move, and a positive dislike of mining was expressed especially by the younger miners. For those who were willing to move, better pay, better conditions of work, and better housing were the most important considerations. Those in the declining areas, suggesting either greater apathy among the miners in the declining areas, or a failure in the adequate presentation to these workers of the attractions of Fifeshire.

70

Miners' Attitudes to prospects for young people in Fife

Finally, miners were asked what they thought of the prospects for young people in the new Fifeshire areas. Almost half of them thought that these areas would, or might be, satisfactory:

It is important to note that a large proportion gave no answer to this question.

Analysis by age showed only slight differences, the general tendency of which was towards a slight increase in optimism with age:

The analysis by marital status showed only small differences, except that twice as many single (29%) as married (14%) gave no answer to this question.

There were no differences between expanding and declining areas.

The regional analysis showed that those miners in the Central and Lothian regions were least optimistic about the prospects for young people in Fifeshire. The Central and Ayrshire regions had the largest proportions giving no answer:

71

Conclusions

(1) It seems, from the data collected, that migration to the new Fifeshire mines is an unpopular prospect for the majority of miners in the rest of Scotland. Antagonism to mining is greatest amongst the younger and the unmarried men, most of whom wish to get out of mining and to enter another occupation. The organisation, therefore, of voluntary migration would apparently result in the transfer mainly of older miners to Fifeshire, who because of their age, would provide only a temporary labour force for the new mines. It appears, at present to be unlikely (although it is possible, under the influence of better conditions) that the majority of these men would urge their own sons to follow them into the pits.

(2) On the other hand, migration to Fifeshire is likely to be much more popular if miners have the prospect of entering a new occupation in the new townships; and it would be more popular amongst miners' wives if they were not opposed to migration as such (although some were deterred by this) but to the assumption that they would have to stay in the mining industry.

(3) There is some doubt of the value of the answers given to the question of whether the new Fifeshire mines would offer attractive prospects for young people. A considerable proportion of miners (45%) said they thought the prospects there would be “satisfactory”. However, it is possible that informants merely considered that conditions there would be an improvement on those at thereby became a positively attractive occupation. Moreover, miners were only asked what they thought the prospects in Fifeshire would be for young people in general. When earlier they were asked which occupation they preferred for their own sons, only 3% preferred the mining industry (see above p.46). Nevertheless, it was the married miners who were more willing to consider moving to Fife. There is thus the possibility that the children of these married migrants would be influenced in favour of mining by their parents if conditions in Fifeshire were particularly good.

(4) In this, as in the preceding section, a large proportion of miners expressed a general antagonism to mining as an occupation. This was especially clear in the answer to the question, “Which industry would you enter?” addressed to those who said they would leave mining if they had the opportunity to do so after the war. One-third said merely that they would take “anything but mining”, while a further quarter could not say which industry they would enter. Here, as in the choice of occupation for their children, miners appear to be rejecting mining, not so much because of the superior attraction of other specific occupations, as because of a generalized dislike of their own job. While the miners are constantly being assured of the national importance of their occupation, these assurances probably carry little weight with them unless they, as a group, are given special consideration. Such consideration might take the form of food and housing priorities, special pensions, etc., and the existence of these things might well induce many miners to change their opinion of their occupation.

(5) While it appears to be true that a more favourable attitude cannot be achieved through material improvements alone, their importance should not be underestimated. Amongst the minority of miners who stated their willingness to move, better pay, better conditions, and better housing were important attractions. The housewives were especially attracted by the prospect of better housing. It is possible, therefore, that if the first new communities in Fifeshire were planned and built, and used as show-places to which miners from declining areas could be taken on a visit of inspection, the effect would be to encourage a greater proportion to migrate there. In that way, the prospect of migration would be made a concrete possibility, and no longer an abstract conception